Showing posts with label POLITICAL INSTABILITY. Show all posts
Showing posts with label POLITICAL INSTABILITY. Show all posts

Sunday, 26 April 2015

Deadly Burundi protests after president seeks third term

39 minutes ago
 From the section Africa
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The BBC's Maud Julien on the streets of Bujumbura as the protests flare up
At least two people have been killed in violent clashes in Burundi, a day after President Pierre Nkurunziza launched his bid for a third term in office.
Thousands defied a ban to take to the streets of the capital Bujumbura. Police shot live ammunition in the air to disperse them.
President Nkurunziza was nominated to run by his governing CNDD-FDD party.
Opponents say it is unconstitutional and threatens a peace deal that ended the 12-year civil war in 2005.
More than 300,000 people died in the war.
Protesters throw rocks during clashes with police in Cibitoke, north-western Burundi, on April 26, 2015

Protesters pelted police with rocks...

...who used tear gas to disperse them
Angry protesters on Sunday threw rocks and lit tyres. Police responded with tear gas, water cannon and live ammunition, blocking access to the centre of the capital.
The Burundian Red Cross spokesman Alexis Manirakiza told the BBC that at least five protesters were injured in the clashes and that one was in a coma.
Many demonstrators have been detained.
Police also threatened to shut down a private radio station unless it stopped live broadcasts about the protests.
At his nomination by a special party congress, President Nkurunziza said: "I call people to go to the election in peace.
A riot police officer sprays teargas on residents participating in street protests in Burundi

There was a strong security presence on the streets of the capital

The protesters are angry at the president's decision to seek a third term
"But I would like to warn everyone: Whoever wants to create problems with the ruling party elected by the people, he'll find himself in trouble," he added, Reuters reported.
Mr Nkurunziza has served two terms as president, coming to the office at the end of the civil war.
Burundi's constitution only allows the president to be elected twice. But Mr Nkurunziza's supporters argue he is eligible for another term since he was appointed by parliament in 2005.
More than 12,000 people have fled to neighbouring countries in recent weeks citing violence ahead of June's presidential election, the UN refugee agency says.
Protesters burn a tree branch within clashes with police in Bujumbura on April 26, 2015

To stop future trouble, deal with the prejudices in our midst

   Skulls of victims of the Ntarama massacre during the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
 Skulls of victims of the Ntarama massacre during the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
Twenty one years after the Rwanda genocide, it is still all too often the case that the more things change, the more they remain the same.

As Rwandans continue to commemorate the 100 darkest days in their nation’s history, it is well worth remembering that the problems that brought those events have to do with relations between disparate groups of peoples.

In times past, it was a case of perceived superiority, or more precisely racial and ethnic arrogance.

This was the doctrine of the Hutu nation in the years preceding the genocide. That regime followed the example of many others in history: There was Nazi Germany and the Holocaust, colonial Europe and the many imperialist wars fought around the world, America and its dehumanization of African slaves, all the way back to the days of the Roman Empire.

Each of these groups, and many others, thought they were the best thing God ever created. Sadly, that thinking is still with us today.

How else does one explain the 2007-8 postelection violence in Kenya, the war between the Dinka and the Nuer in South Sudan that manifests itself as a power struggle between President Salva Kiir and his former vice president Riek Machar, and the supremacist thinking of assorted Islamic fundamentalist groups such as Al Shabaab and Boko Haram?

But given the changing dynamics of today’s economy, sometimes these sentiments are clothed in economic garb. In South Africa, for instance, hard times have forced the longoppressed masses to see other African nationals as enemies, thinking they are taking away their jobs and pushing them into poverty.

This same trend is discernible in East Africa. The slow movement in implementation of various protocols and petty agreements that come to the public limelight are the tip of the iceberg: Lying beneath the surface are deeply-ingrained nationalistic feelings, suspicions about the intentions of other member states, and intricate machinations about how to get something from others while giving away as little as possible.

As a result, the integration ship has time and again found itself wading through the murky waters of tit-for-tat sanctions, frosty relations and suspect nontariff barriers.

It is not a situation that augurs well for our stated aim of creating one people with one destiny. All these factors point to the fact that integration must be based on sound political decisions.

It is the politics that determines everything else: Who is in the fold and who is out; who we shall trade with and how; and who shall be welcomed into our countries and in what manner.

While the integration process should rightfully proceed with caution, that does not include political bickering and grandstanding.

Neither should it, and indeed the events around us should make us proactive in pulling down the walls that separate us. Following the 1994 genocide and his ascendancy to power, President Paul Kagame did a sterling job of demolishing the invisible wall that had for decades separated Hutu from Tutsi.

The question is: Can this effort be extended beyond Rwanda to the whole of East Africa? How shall we demolish the wall that separates the Ugandan from the Rwandan, or the Tanzanian from the Kenyan?

An integration process that brings together disparate peoples for economic purposes but does not break down the mental barriers between them can never achieve full unity.

If anything, that would be a recipe for a future crisis, because many of our thinkers simply hope to bury Kikuyu-Luo or Dinka-Nuer rivalry within a larger regional fabric.

While that may appear to be helpful, such a solution can only offer temporary relief. If East Africa is to have a strong foundation devoid of any possibility of implosion between its peoples or xenophobia against those without, it is necessary to initiate an educational process that replaces narrow parochialisms with broader principles.

Many of those principles are well enunciated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international instruments, including the East African Community Treaty.

Using them, we can take advantage of the strengths of everyone in our midst. It is the best tribute we can give the victims of past prejudices, from the Rwandan genocide to the killings at Garissa University College.

Uncharted waters: ACT thrust creates triangular election map, thrill.

25th April 2015

Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT) leader Zitto Kabwe addresses a public rally in Mwanza recently.
Legendary French President Charles de Gaulle (d. 1970) is reputed to have declared that "a week is a long time in politics," which sums up the kaleidoscopic movement that has come up right before our eyes.

It is in relation to how the political map of the country is  changing well before the various political parties have found their feet ready for the general elections, new opportunities coming up for aspirants especially for parliamentary and ward polls, but also the presidency. A king-maker has been born named ACT.

What is daunting is the manner in which the party has scaled three levels of growth in the space of one month, first graduating from a crisis-ridden infant party like CCJ and CCJK before it, to stand on firm footing.

 This occurred after it handed a party card to ex-Kigoma North MP Zitto Kabwe, and at that moment the party was reconstituted, topping the chairmanship with supreme leadership handed to the ex-MP.

 As befits a pre-electoral atmosphere, newly inaugurated ACT went on campaign stump to get members, prepare for polls.

Despite that everyone knew that Zitto Kabwe was a popular MP, there was still an impression that parties could more than individuals, so he was likely to fade out without CHADEMA anchorage. There was a debate with his ex-colleagues at Ufipa Street, Kinondoni area in Dar es Salaam where his old party has its headquarters, as to whether he brought up the party or, on the contrary, it brought him up.

In life there are lessons that are hard to learn, so soon CHADEMA was learning it owed Zitto more than would care to admit.
The psychological contention with CHADEMA was supposed to take the whole year as Zitto seeks to enhance his legitimacy, and starts to scout for presidential material, now that he is himself out of the contest.

 But it was soon becoming clear the debate with CHADEMA was irrelevant to ACT, and an aghast CHADEMA was now waking up to declare that ACT was its 'enemy number one.' From opposing CCM, it now principally opposes ACT.

Before the ink had dried over ACT's scaling of the second ladder to become a party on equal terms with CHADEMA and ready to take malcontents of both the old opposition party and the ruling party, a third stage beckoned.

 As top CCM secretariat officials continued to swear they mean to sideline Edward Lowassa, and amid fertile rumours of Zitto-Mwigulu Nchemba and Lowassa artery, the supreme ACT leader formally invited he former premier to join ACT, on condition of explaining how he got his wealth. That is easy.

Someone has recently done the job for Lowassa, and all he would need is to rubber stamp that explanation.

 His name is advocate Nyaronyo Kicheere, a former secondary school teacher turned journalist, trained as a lawyer at UDSM and is a prominent name in media and human rights litigation in the city of Dar es Salaam at present.

 He gave a simple explanation, as to how Ed Lowassa bought a large coffee farm in the 1980s in an area that later became the principal low density residential area in Arusha, selling plots for 10m each. As the farm was cut up into 400 such plots, would Lowassa be poor?

That explanation took care of Mwalimu's old criticism against Lowassa, that he was director at the Arusha International Conference Centre (AICC) for two years or so and he had ten daladalas thereafter, implying, purposely or otherwise, that he stole monies there.

The lawyer effusively and humorously insisted that the former premier was squeak clean, that there was no public monies in what he owns, and more significantly, he dishes out largely his own money, no debts being incurred.

It means he is not covered by caution that Mwalimu raised in 1995, as to how to pay debts incurred to enter Ikulu.

The possibility of a Lowassa passage into ACT as candidate, without having to go through a humiliating CCM process of explaining what he has given to numerous people to campaign for him, just denouncing those machinations, could change the calendar of events.

With Zitto seemingly capable of drawing  a third or more of CHADEMA followers to him, and Lowassa capable of doing the same for CCM followers, an overwhelming axis can be formed within the context of the run up to the polls, from a party that barely existed  as of first of April.

 That is why, as Gen, de Gaulle declared, a week is a long time in politics, and no weeks have seen politics move faster than this, ever.

At the moment only that scenario is plausible to draw up in the political map, as what follows next is merely the subject of dreams as in the story about Alinacha, that this axis wins polls and takes office.

 Then there is a problem of repeating what occurred in the fourth phase as an ethos of vibrant rejection  and combating of public-private partnership is official Zitto parliamentary line, while the former premier is far more guarded, though in the past he also tore up the city water contract.

That such an axis could improve the business environment would depend on how far Lowassa can shake off ACT influence.

Were such fusion to take place, it would be interesting to see what campaign roles fall upon the rump ruling party as well as the rump opposition party, their respective stings in popular imagination hived off to form a new axis that is untrammeled with the need to share out power, and influence, with the also-rans in party organisation. How far they would still pull crowds and make an impact in the general elections would depend on enthusiasm that remains after such event, as in soccer side; if they bind together, they survive, but if they fail that test they collapse. It depends on the level of pain inflicted.

Since the formal notice for such a fusion has already been given, it is not a sin - as Mwalimu Nyerere underlined back in 1990 - to start projecting possible outcomes.

At the moment the CCM Secretariat has retained electoral forms for aspirants, waiting up to June or thereabouts before releasing them, but even if the urge to start campaigning is stiff on the ex-premier's side, it is not plausible to take a move before Mangula and Co. do anything unacceptable. The technique ties down Lowassa to CCM for the moment but also helps him.

At each instance that CCM has raised this or that stumbling block for the former premier it has ended up helping him, as for instance in February last year.

Stopping premature prenomination campaigns left Ngoyai top of the league table, and others barred from assailing him. Of late another banning order of visitations came up, which means the others too won't organise any such visits, and voters remember only the visits to Ngoyai.

Now it is heard he is given easy conditions to join ACT as Mrema in 1995, with no Nyerere to frustrate him as previously the case, not due to any scandal but unacceptable  machinations of party bigwigs. It sounds like a fairy tale but it could happen.

Saturday, 25 April 2015

Police Killing of Unarmed Man Agitated New York ... in the 1850s



Officer Robert Cairnes was on patrol in the old First Ward when he was summoned to a ship at the foot of Wall Street to search for a one-eyed longshoreman known as Sailor Jack, accused of threatening to murder the captain.

Officer Cairnes, a relative rookie of two years, arrested the longshoreman on South Street. What happened next on Nov. 10, 1858, became the stuff of legend — an early police killing of an unarmed man running away, with the officer locked up on suspicion of murder.

The case convulsed New York at the time, just as this month’s phone video of a white police officer fatally shooting a fleeing black driver in South Carolina has provoked widespread outrage.

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A Prisoner Shot by a Policeman (Nov. 11, 1858)
The Homicide by a Policeman (Nov. 12, 1858)
The victim in 1858, Robert Hollis, 28, an Irish-born father of four, had slugged Officer Cairnes and run. The officer, 40, also Irish-born and a father of six, gave chase, pulling his pistol and firing into the crowd until, catching up to his fugitive, he fired a fatal shot into the man’s back — at such close range that Mr. Hollis’s coat caught fire.

“A policeman has no right to shoot a man for running away from him,” editorialized The New-York Times (as the name was then punctuated), citing a rash of such cases and questioning whether officers should be armed at all.

In those antebellum days, when a former congressman from Illinois named Abraham Lincoln had just lost his race for the United States Senate to Stephen Douglas, the New York police had yet to officially carry guns, although many did. The city, which was just Manhattan and the Bronx until 1898, had been in turmoil, with two rival police forces, the City Hall-beholden Municipals and the state-created Metropolitans in open warfare over a mayoral scandal, until the courts ruled for Albany in 1857 and the local forces disbanded or were swallowed up by the Metropolitans.

With the state takeover came a policy that officers carry guns, although some captains urged their men to ignore it, according to Thomas Reppetto and James Lardner in their 2000 book, “N.Y.P.D.: A City and Its Police.” Police shootings of unarmed civilians invariably followed, including, the authors said, an innocent German killed while walking with his wife during violent protests against enforced Sunday closings of beer halls.

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The subsequent killing of Mr. Hollis by Officer Cairnes, though both were Irish, established the victimhood of minorities in police shootings, said Mr. Reppetto, a former police commander in Chicago.

The 1858 killing remains relevant, said Leo Hershkowitz, a longtime Queens College and New York University history professor who came across the case in the archives of The Times while researching a revisionist history of the widely reviled William M. Tweed, the boss of the Tammany Hall political organization.

“Cairnes was so mad,” said Mr. Hershkowitz, 90 and now retired, who saw parallels to the fatal shooting of Walter L. Scott by Officer Michael T. Slager in North Charleston, S.C., on April 4. A witness’s video recorded Mr. Scott running away from a traffic stop and the officer firing eight shots at his back. Officer Slager has been charged with murder.

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The killing of Mr. Hollis, according to a transcript of the coroner’s inquisition, stemmed from a dispute on Nov. 9, 1858, when the longshoreman and a mate visited the St. Charles, a ship sailing between New York and Le Havre, France, and asked to work as crewmen.

Mr. Hollis was later described in The Times as a ruffian with arrests for assaults and other “atrocious violence,” including a fight that cost him an eye.

Capt. Thomas Conway told the pair he had a full crew.

They accosted the captain in the street the next day and asked again. When Captain Conway again refused, he later testified, they followed him to his ship where, The Times wrote, “deceased called me a s-n of a b-h and said he would stow himself on board the vessel and murder me on the voyage.” When Mr. Hollis hurled a brick at Captain Conway, the captain chased them off at gunpoint and sent for the police.

Tracked down nearby by Officer Cairnes and Captain Conway, and being escorted to court at the Tombs, Mr. Hollis “suddenly turned upon the officer and struck him a violent blow, knocking him down and then ran away,” the captain testified.

Officer Cairnes, in pursuit, fired two shots, the first ball rattling among the barrels where a cooper, John Thrall, worked. The second whizzed past the ear of a passer-by, William Gage, who objected, “For God’s sake, don’t fire, or you will kill someone,” according to a transcript of a coroner’s inquisition.

By this time, the cooper had seized Mr. Hollis, but, suddenly afraid, let go. Charles W. Degendorf, a cartman at Fulton Market, grabbed Mr. Hollis’s collar and held him.

Officer Cairnes, Mr. Degendorf testified, ran up, exclaiming, “You will get away from me, will you?,” and fired into Mr. Hollis’s back — “so near that the back of the man’s coat was scorched.”

Drawn by the shots, a Second Ward officer, Joseph A. Perkins, saw Mr. Hollis’s coat actually ablaze and put out the fire, demanding of Officer Cairnes, “Are you crazy?”

As Officer Perkins later testified, “I thought it very singular that he should shoot in the reckless manner he did, when there were so many about who would have assisted him.”

With the dying Mr. Hollis on a cart to the hospital, Officer Perkins said Officer Cairnes admitted “that if he had the thing to do over again, he would not do as he had done.”

Officer Perkins, meanwhile, struggled to rescue Officer Cairnes from a lynch mob bent on avenging the executed longshoreman. “Swing him over the awning,” some shouted, according to The Times. “Hang him to the lamppost.”

Officer Cairnes was extricated from the mob but was locked up pending a coroner’s inquisition. The officer, as was his right, did not testify and never seemed to claim self-defense.

The following day, a coroner’s jury ruled that Mr. Hollis died from a pistol ball in the heart, discharged “in close contact with the body.” It ruled the shooting “not justifiable” and ordered Officer Cairnes held for a grand jury. On Nov. 16, 1858, his bail was set at $10,000 (equal to about $270,000 today). He made bail the next day — the same day a grand jury declined to indict him. Without elaboration, a handwritten court record in the Municipal Archives notes: “Dismissed by grand jury.”

Nine days later, The Times reported that Officer Cairnes, back on the job, found two men struggling with a horse and wagon in Lower Manhattan at 3 a.m. Suspicious, he moved in to investigate. The cart, with a broken axle, contained an expensive load of cloth. The men fled. This time Officer Cairnes did not give chase.

Boko Haram In Nigeria Runs Out Of Weapons, Ammunition As Nigerian Army Advances On Sambisa Forest


nigerian army

Nigerian special forces prepare to fight Boko Haram in Diffa, March 26, 2015. The country's army has reportedly severed Boko Haram’s access to arms suppliers, forcing the insurgents to resort to less sophisticated weaponry. REUTERS/Joe Penney

Chadian soldiers displayed arms captured from Boko Haram on April 3, 2015, in Malam Fatori, in northeastern Nigeria, which was retaken from Islamist Boko Haram militants by troops from neighboring Chad and Niger. PHILIPPE DESMAZES/AFP/Getty Image

Nigerian special forces prepare to fight Boko Haram in Diffa, March 26, 2015. The country's army has reportedly severed Boko Haram’s access to arms suppliers, forcing the insurgents to resort to less sophisticated weaponry. REUTERS/Joe Penney

Chadian soldiers displayed arms captured from Boko Haram on April 3, 2015, in Malam Fatori, in northeastern Nigeria, which was retaken from Islamist Boko Haram militants by troops from neighboring Chad and Niger. PHILIPPE DESMAZES/AFP/Getty Image
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The Boko Haram insurgents in northern Nigeria have run out of weapons and ammunition, and the Nigerian army is advancing on the militant group’s remaining territory in Borno state’s Sambisa Forest, military sources and residents told local reporters Thursday. The intensified military operation by Nigerian and coalition forces has reportedly weakened the Islamic militant group and cut off their arms supply.

“The Boko Haram terrorists have run out of arms and ammunitions as the military intensify attacks on Sambisa Forest,” a resident of Tabe village of Damboa who narrowly escaped from the area, told Vanguard news in Abuja. “You can find more than 500 members of the insurgents, with only a few of them having rifles and even when one or two of them have rifles, it is like a stick, as they have run out of ammunitions, because the usual supplies they get are not forthcoming.”

Coalition airstrikes and ground troops have stormed the Sambisa Forest, which covers more than 23,000 square miles across mostly Borno, Yobo, Gombe and Bauchi states in Nigeria’s northeast. Nigeria’s defense headquarters spokesman, Major General Chris Olukolade, told Vanguard news Thursday the operation has pushed out many Boko Haram fighters. Residents told Leadership newspaper in Abuja some militants have fled into the nearby woods of Yamtake, Tabe and Jangoro villages in the Damboa local government area of Borno state.

Since the military offensive has reportedly severed Boko Haram’s access to their main arms suppliers, witnesses said the insurgents have resorted to less sophisticated weaponry. “The Boko Haram terrorists have only bow and arrows, machetes, daggers and other local weapons, as they have run out of arms and ammunitions and were roaming about in the bushes of the villages along the fringes of the Sambisa Forest,” another resident of nearby Yamtake village told Vanguard news Thursday.

Although the group has fled much of Borno state, a former stronghold, the militants have left behind devastating destruction in northeast Nigeria. Entire towns were razed, with homes destroyed and corpses scattered in the empty streets. A security source from Bama said Boko Haram has nearly demolished the town in Borno.

“Only a few structures still standing, as the terrorists have virtually destroyed all structures in the town. Very soon we are also going to the Sambisa Forest for mop-up operations, as we have been directed to clear the Sambisa before the May 29 handing over [deadline],” a security source told Vanguard news.

Last week, outgoing Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan rejected the United Nations’ offer to send international forces into northern Nigeria to help fight Boko Haram, saying the group has one remaining stronghold in Sambisa Forest. Jonathan said the Nigerian army, with support from Chad, Niger and Cameroon, had recaptured most of the territory seized by the Islamist insurgents, including the group’s stronghold of Gwoza in Borno state. The outgoing president said the West African nation instead needs support rehabilitating its people and rebuilding the communities worst affected by the Islamist insurgents.

Jonathan lost re-election to Muhammadu Buhari last month. He has been widely criticized for acting too late on the Boko Haram insurgency, which has gripped northern Nigeria for six years. But Jonathan has vowed to rid the country of the terrorists before he leaves office and Buhari is sworn in on May 29.

Boko Haram retakes NE town from Nigerian army

Boko Haram retakes NE town from Nigerian army

9 hours ago
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File picture shows a Nigerian military patrol near the border town of Marte where an attack by suspected Boko Haram insurgents has forced hundreds of soldiers to flee (AFP Photo/)

Maiduguri (Nigeria) (AFP) - Suspected Boko Haram insurgents have forced hundreds of soldiers to flee Marte, a border town along the shores of Lake Chad, a local official and witnesses said.

"The terrorists, numbering over 2,000, appeared from various directions on Thursday and engaged the soldiers in Kirenowa town and adjoining communities in Marte," said Imamu Habeeb, a local community leader.


"They fought with soldiers over the night and the fight continued today (Friday), forcing hundreds of soldiers to flee," he added from Borno state capital Maiduguri.

Local fighter Shehu Dan Baiwa said the more than 2,000 fighters had been armed with bombs and tanks. "They used the weapons without restraint and succeeded in killing several people," he said.

This is the third time Boko Haram has seized control of Marte in restive Borno state, a key battleground of their six-year insurgency, which has killed more than 13,000 and left 1.5 million homeless.

The city is among several retaken in recent weeks by Nigeria's military, which has launched an offensive against the Islamists as part of a regional operation supported by Chad, Cameroon and Niger.

But Boko Haram have been fighting back, and Nigerian troops were also forced to retreat from Boko Haram's Sambisa Forest stronghold this week after a landmine blast killed one soldier and three vigilantes.

A senior local politician confirmed, on condition of anonymity, that the insurgents had retaken Marte.

"We lost many (people) because some of our people that fled to Chad and Cameroon have return after Nigerian troops recovered the town recently," he added.

A senior military official confirmed the attack on Marte, but refused to say whether Boko Haram had retaken the town, describing the army's retreat as "strategic".

Wednesday, 22 April 2015

Mugabe and Zuma sign agreements, pledge closer ties


Robert Mugabe in South Africa
Zimbabwean leader Robert Mugabe is visiting South Africa, where he is looking for investment to reinvigorate his country's moribund economy - but not at the expense of his controversial indigenization policy.

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has called for more South African investment in his country, especially in the mining sector, but is insisting that foreign investors should not have controlling interests in Zimbabwean companies.
Mugabe was speaking during a visit to South Africa at a joint press conference in Pretoria with South African President Jacob Zuma.
While saying he would welcome increased economic cooperation with South Africa, Mugabe defended his country's policy of indigenization, which demands that foreign companies cede 51 percent of their shares to black Zimbabweans.
"The capital that is aimed at mining, for example, is draining from my country resources that cannot be replaced tomorrow, leaving holes in my country," Mugabe told reporters.
Indigenization has been blamed for frightening away foreign investors.
 Zimbabweab president Robert Mugabe and his South African opposite number Jacob Zuma
Mugabe (front left) and Zuma (front right) signed three agreements and two memorandums of understanding
91-year-old Mugabe was on his first official state visit to South Africa since 1994, although he has visited the country on other occasions, such as the state funeral for South Africa's first black president, Nelson Mandela, in 2013.
Mugabe is the current chair of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU).
'Economy as well as trade that favors both countries'
Mugabe and Zuma signed three agreements, on water resources management, cooperation over customs administration and on the setting up of a bilateral commission to monitor all the agreements.
Two memorandums of understanding were also signed on diplomatic consultation and economic and trade cooperation.
"Our desire of all of us, both countries, is that we should have the economy as well as trade that favors both countries. That is what we are looking for," Zuma said.
South Africa's exports to Zimbabwe amount to about $2 billion (1.84 billion euros), while in contrast Zimbabwe exports goods worth about $170 million to South Africa.
Joy Mabenge, a Zimbabwean analyst who works for the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition civil society network in South Africa, said South Africa was a strategic economic player for Zimbabwe.
"The bulk of goods and services that are consumed in Zimbabwe come from South Africa. South Africa is the second biggest economy in Africa; its importance cannot be overlooked," he told DW.
Two million Zimbabweans in South Africa
Mabenge also pointed out that this was the first meeting between Zuma and Mugabe since the Zimbabwean elections in July 2013, which reinstated Mugabe's ZANU-PF as the sole ruling party and ended a power sharing government formed with the opposition MDC party in 2008.
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe tasking the oath of office in August 2013

Western countries have witheld financial aid to Harare in protest over President Mugabe's policies and charge that he has rigged election to stay in power
The meeting was a chance to "touch base" and "it must give South Africa the opportunity to impress upon President Mugabe critical things that his government or Harare must do to ensure the country returns to stability," Mabenge said.
South Africa's minister of international relations and cooperation, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, said the focus of Mugabe's visit would largely be on "consolidation of our bilateral ties."
Zimbabwean overtures
Late last year Zimbabwean Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa led a team of officials on a visit to South Africa to try to convince potential investors that the country was finally on the mend.
The Zimbabwean officials said it was in the interest of South Africa to help grow its neighbor's economy to stop the tide of economic refugees who have crossed the border seeking work.
Mabenge said South Africa was "home to some two million Zimbabweans who fled Mugabe's misrule."
Mugabe expressed gratitude to South Africa for accommodating them.
"Our people have really offended your system by jumping the border and disturbing even the social system here, but where they have come as workers, well and good, we say thank you," he told President Zuma.
Zimbabwe's economy entered a tailspin after the launch of controversial land reforms 14 years ago and is still struggling.
Last month the International Monetary Fund said Zimbabwe faced a "difficult outlook" for 2015 with negative growth. The country's arrears to the IMF stand at $152 million and it owes the World Bank another $1.2 billion. The IMF has urged a review of Zimbabwe's indigenization policy, which Mugabe defended on Wednesday
Mabenge believes that any South African financial assistance for Zimbabwe should be tied to a commitment from Harare to respect human rights.
"Mr Mugabe's government must respect the rule of law and uphold the dignityof the people of Zimbabwe and ensure that human rights are not trampled upon," he said.

Tuesday, 21 April 2015

Zuma: South Africans are not generally xenophobic and must promote social cohesion


THULANI GQIRANA


Condemning the attacks on foreign nationals, Jacob Zuma also says South Africans are generally not xenophobic.

No amount of frustration or anger can justify attacks on foreign nationals and the looting of their shops, President Jacob Zuma said this afternoon. In his first detailed public response to xenophobic attacks that started in several areas of KwaZulu-Natal last week Zuma said it was the responsibility of all South Africans to promote social cohesion, peaceful co-existence and good relations.

Zuma today called on the country to remain calm in the face of the violence spreading in KwaZulu-Natal and some parts of Gauteng and discouraged South Africans from using social media to fuel the flames of xenophobic attacks.

Addressing the National Assembly this afternoon, Zuma said the attacks violated all the values that South Africa embodied, especially respect for human life, human rights, human dignity and Ubuntu.

“We appeal for calm, an end to the violence and restraint. Criminal elements should not be allowed to take advantage of the concerns of citizens to sow mayhem and destruction. Any problems or issues of concern to South African citizens must be resolved peacefully and through dialogue.

“The police have been directed to work around the clock to protect both foreign nationals and citizens and to arrest looters and those committing acts of violence,” said Zuma.

Zuma said while government strongly condemned the attacks, it was aware of and sympathetic to some of the concerns raised by South African citizens in relation to socio-economic issues, concerns the president said were receiving attention.

“These include complaints about illegal and undocumented immigrants in the country, the increase in the number of shops or small businesses that have been taken over by foreign nationals and also perceptions that foreign nationals commit or perpetrate crime. We wish to emphasise that while some foreign nationals have been arrested for various crimes, it is misleading and wrong to label or regard all foreign nationals as being involved in crime in the country,” said Zuma.

“We reiterate our view that South Africans are generally not xenophobic. If they were, we would not have such a high number of foreign nationals who have been successfully integrated into communities all over our country, in towns, cities and villages.”

Zuma’s address to the National Assembly was delayed for almost an hour as Members of Parliament debated what should take priority for the president’s appearance in the House, with Economic Freedom Fighters MPs calling for Zuma to first answer the question about when is he planning to pay back a portion of the money used to upgrade his private Nkandla home. Zuma was interrupted and the Parliamentary session suspended in August last year when he was asked the same question.

EFF leader Julius Malema and other opposition parties blame the xenophobic attacks on the Zuma-led government.

Looking directly at Zuma while delivering his speech, Malema said he had taught South Africans that violence was the only way to deal with issues, citing the killing of striking of mineworkers in Marikana as an example.

“You have lost control of the country because you have lost control of your family. Your own son [Edward Zuma] has stood up and said these people must go, and you do not address that. How can you rule over the country when you can’t even rule over your family? Your son is one example of a family member that you can’t whip into submission,” Malema said.

Democratic Alliance Parliamentary leader Mmusi Maimane said the country should not stand by while human beings were being tortured and killed.

“I understand the frustration being felt by South Africans, especially unemployed youth, who struggle to access opportunities to improve their lives. Jobs are scarce. Our economy continues to exclude millions of South Africans,” Maimane said.

“But to focus this anger and frustration on a small group of foreign nationals who have become unfairly vilified and victimised does not address the cause of that frustration. We must not turn xenophobia into a political football. We must not shy away from the root causes of the problem either. The root of this problem lies in our inability to bring about economic growth and decrease the inequality that plagues our nation.”

Inkatha Freedom Party leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi questioned the government’s slow response to violence when targeted at foreigners and said when the state was quiet, people died.

Calling for what he called “barbaric and inhumane attacks” to stop, United Democratic Movement leader Bantu Holomisa said the cause of this violence was a country with high levels of poverty, with leaders only interested in lining their pockets.

“This has to come to a stop, if we are to redeem our image and attract investors,” Holomisa said.

Home Affairs minister Malusi Gigaba condemned the attacks and said it must be emphasised that not all South Africans were involved in the savagery. Gigaba said it was wrong to claim that all immigrants were undocumented and illegal in South Africa.

“It is wrong to claim that all immigrants do not pay taxes and are therefore a drain on South Africa.”

Defending Zuma from Malema’s critical speech, Gigaba said the EFF leader was “the best student of the school of nuisance.”

Zuma asked to resign and legalise dagga

The majority of respondents asked Zuma to resign and pay back the money spent on Nkandla. (David Harrison, M&G)


The presidency invited South Africans on social media to recommend topics for Jacob Zuma’s State of the Nation address - and we obliged.

If South Africans were not asking President Jacob Zuma to resign, they were calling for dagga to be legalised.

These requests made up the majority of the recommendations made to Zuma on social networking sites following an invitation by the Presidency for people to send suggestions for the president’s State of the Nation address.

A thread of people on Twitter repeated: “@PresidencyZA: Why not legalise cannabis to increase revenue and save tax rands by freeing up crowded prisons and courts? #DaggaDebate #Sona2015.”

“Free marijuana,” wrote others.

Inkatha Freedom Party MP Mario Oriani-Ambrosini, who died of cancer last year, had lobbied for the use of alternative cancer therapies, including medical marijuana.

Calls for Zuma to resign were also high on the request lists of Twitter users.

User @CJSteyl wrote: “Before I go to bed I’d just like to remind the good folk at @PresidencyZA to include Jacob Zuma’s resignation in his #Sona2015. Thanks.”

Another user, @mzukisij, wrote: “Zuma must resign before the motion and #Sona2015, maybe sober people of this country will forgive him.”

@Matheb_Ohms wrote: “@PresidencyZA on your #Sona2015, please address us about when you will #PayBackTheMoney and about when you will resign as president. #MyInput.”

On  the Presidency’s official Facebook page, 1 277 people posted their suggestions.

The majority asked Zuma to resign and pay back the money spent on non-security upgrades to his private home in Nkandla, KwaZulu-Natal.

Comrade Kamogelo Ramoloto wrote: “Mr President, tell us whether you going to pay cash, EFT or through Shoprite Money Market ... am talking about Nkandla money and what would my best Valentine’s present before my girlfriend gives me would be your resignation letter.”

Ditshepiso Promise Mapaila wrote: “I ask for him to become a born-again Christian and to ask God for forgiveness and the nation and then he can explain where the money went and how he’s going to pay it back and then he may resign.”

Some citizens decided to write their own scripts for Zuma.

Craig Edmund Fitz Eustace said he would like to hear Zuma say: “I am so ashamed of what I have done, said and not done as your leader, that I wish to fall on my sword like any real loser of a leader would do. I am sorry.”

Motlatsi Mfanakithi requested he say: “I hereby tender my resignation and I ask for South Africans to forgive me for my actions, and propose e-tolls to be scrapped, tighten security of all South Africans and lastly any Mzansi citizen that wishes to serve their country to be admitted into the army without any red tape ... Furthermore, I thank you all for making me aware my leadership has divided this wonderful country.”

But not everyone wants to see Zuma go.

Tsiane Dithebe asked South Africans to have respect for the president. “Please please please ... let us respect the president of the Republic of South Africa. I don’t want to comment on what he must say. Just want to request fellow South Africans to respect the old man,” he wrote.

On Twitter, @Rethabilem said: “President Jacob Zuma must use the State of the Nation address to win the hearts and soul of South Africans #Sona2015.”

Others asked that issues such as unemployment, housing and corruption be addressed. – Sapa

Mugabe "shocked and disgusted" by xenophobic attacks in SA

Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe says the wave of violence against foreign nationals in SA should never happen again elsewhere on the continent.
 
Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe on Saturday expressed his “shock and disgust” at “horrible” xenophobic attacks in neighbouring South Africa in his first public reaction to the violence that has swept parts of Durban and Johannesburg.

Addressing crowds gathered in the pouring rain in Harare for official celebrations of Zimbabwe’s 35th anniversary of independence, Mugabe said: “The act of treating other Africans in that horrible way can never be condoned by anyone.”

“Our own African people on the African continent must be treated with respect.”

“If there is any issue arising from influx [of foreigners]... surely that can be discussed and measures can be taken to deal with and address the situation,” Mugabe said towards the end of a 30-minute speech at Harare’s national sports stadium.

Two Zimbabweans are believed to have been killed in the violence. 

Zimbabwe is preparing to repatriate more than 1 500 of its citizens in the wake of the attacks, which broke out shortly after Mugabe made a state visit to South Africa with his wife Grace earlier this month.

“We say on our behalf and on behalf of SADC and indeed on behalf of the African Union: That must never happen again. Never happen again in South Africa or any other country,” said the 91-year-old president, who is currently the chair of the AU and Southern African Development Community.

“We are glad that President [Jacob] Zuma has expressed his abhorrence just as we are doing at what happened,” Mugabe said.

The attacks have outraged Zimbabweans and many were waiting to hear whether Mugabe would speak out against them in his speech.

His ruling Zanu-PF party has already condemned the attacks. –News24

Monday, 20 April 2015

How to Defeat Xenophobia


Xenophobia is the fear of strangers. People who look different, speak a different language or have different customs can appear frightening to those who are used to only one ethnic group, lifestyle or set of behaviors. But xenophobia can be overcome, and the key is education. If you're trying to help someone defeat xenophobia, here are some steps you can take.


How to Avoid Xenophobia

Global Village
Xenophobia is an irrational and unreasonable fear or contempt of that which is foreign or unknown, especially of strangers or foreign people. The term is most often used to describe a fear or dislike of foreigners or of people significantly different from oneself. The terms xenophobia and xenophobic could be used to describe some people embroiled in the current immigration debate occurring within the United States. Immigration is vital to the economy of the United States, but many xenophobic fear-mongers, often appearing in mainstream media outlets shouting vitriolic language, would have you believe otherwise. In order to not become counterproductive and counterintuitive like these xenophobic people, it is important to know how to not think like they do and to see the big picture. In this world of economic, political, and cultural globalization and ever-increasing global and world-wide interconnectedness, there is absolutely no place for xenophobia and xenophobic thinking. The steps in this article will show you how to avoid xenophobia and how to avoid thinking from the perspective of a xenophobic mindset.

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Things You'll Need
open mindedness
ability to see the big picture
Instructions
1
First of all, you need to examine history for examples of just how dangerous xenophobia, left unchecked, can become. Probably the most infamous example is the xenophobia that in part led to the atrocities of the Holocaust of World War II. But in general, throughout history in many places around the world, xenophobia and xenophobic thinking has led to many atrocities, such as ethnic cleansing, genocide, and racism and discrimination, to name a few.

2
Take time to learn about other peoples and cultures from around the world. In particular, learn about the various cultures, both new and old, that have combined to play prominent roles in your own country (such as the variety of cultures that all comprise the United States).

3
Study and learn another language. By learning another language you will also be learning an integral part of another culture.

4
If you are in the United States and are concerned over the current immigration debate in particular, remember that aside from Native Americans, the U.S. has always been a nation of immigrants. It is a country forged by immigrants. And immigrants, both newly arrived and well-established, continue to play a prominent role today. With the exception of Native Americans, everyone in the United States is an immigrant or a descendant of one.

5
Therefore, ask yourself the question, "Why do we have many of the children of yesterday's immigrants complaining about today's immigrants and wanting to deprive them of the better life that they seek in the U.S.?"

6
Practice thinking with more of an open and broad mind, and attempt to understand the bigger picture and larger connections. If you begin to have narrow minded thoughts about a subject, stop yourself and think about why you are thinking that way, and then challenge yourself by looking at that thought from a different perspective and angle.

7
Finally, if financially feasible, plan trips and travel to experience different cultures in different parts of your own country and the world. If you are on a tighter budget and live in or close to a large city, you won't even have to travel far to experience different cultures and people. Explore different areas of the city (such as areas with various concentrations of people from different countries). Travel is the best form of education.

Sunday, 19 April 2015

Xenophobic attacks on the rise in South Africa: 'We were drinking beer with these people last week. Now they want to kill us'

President Jacob Zuma has cancelled a planned trip to Indonesia to deal with a wave of xenophobic attacks, which saw 30 people arrested in Johannesburg in the early hours of Saturday
A man lies in the street after he was reportedly stabbed by a mob in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, South Africa. The man, believed to be a Mozambican national, was taken to hospital for treatment but reportedly later died of his injuries
A man lies in the street after he was reportedly stabbed by a mob in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, South Africa. The man, believed to be a Mozambican national, was taken to hospital for treatment but reportedly later died of his injuries Photo: Kevin Sutherloand/EPA
When a mob hammered on the door of Nkululeko Dlomo's township home in Durban, South Africa, ordering him to leave his possessions and go, his first instinct was to fight for the life he had built.
Having moved with his young family from the Zimbabwean capital, Harare, to South Africa four years ago, Mr Dlomo found a job with a building firm and had hoped to put years of penury behind him.
But his resistance lasted for as long as it took the gang to pin him down and smash his head with a rock.
"They came inside and started hitting people," he told The Telegraph. "Some of us tried to fight back but they were too many. They hit me and one pulled out a gun and fired above my head. That's when we ran away."
Mr Dlomo put his wife and young children on a bus back to Zimbabwe, and stood this week fingering a livid gash across his skull and looking down on a refugee camp where 1,500 people have sought safety amid an outbreak of xenophobic violence across South Africa that has already claimed at least five lives.
Thousands more have been injured by mobs wielding machetes, bricks and firearms, driven from their homes and had their businesses looted.

President Jacob Zuma announced on Saturday that he was cancelling a planned trip to Indonesia, to deal with the unrest. Thirty people were arrested in Johannesburg overnight as the violence continued unabated.

Local South African men dance and sing while carrying clubs as they call for foreign shop owners to leave the area after xenophobic violence in the area in Actonville, Johannesburg (Kim Ludbrook/EPA)
An estimated 10 per cent of South Africa's 50 million population is made up by foreigners from other African countries, from some of the continent's most troubled nations such as Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo as well as its poorest such as Malawi and Mozambique.
While to the north, migrants brave hostile seas and people traffickers to make their way to Europe in search of work and a better life, in the south people make their way to South Africa which, with its Western shopping malls, stable democracy and increasingly wealthy middle-class known as Black Diamonds, resembles a promised land.
Although largely consigned to the bottom rung of society, many have found work in the mines or the building industry, or as domestic workers, gardeners and nannies. Some have set up their own small businesses repairing televisions, washing cars or selling useful goods.
Police officers advance to enter mens hostels after xenophobic violence in the area overnight forced foreign shop owners to close their shops for fear of attack in Actonville, Johannesburg (EPA)
But with one in four South Africans unemployed, and scores more without basic services like water, power and sanitation, foreigner settlers have become easy targets for public discontent.
The latest attacks have been blamed on comments by Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu king, who told a cheering audience on March 20 that foreigners were "lice" who should be "plucked out and left in the sun".
"I won't keep quiet when people who have no say are playing with this country," he said. "We ask that immigrants must pack their bags and go back where they came from."
Far from condemning the comments by the king, who holds sway in a province that Mr Zuma and his African National Congress allies rely on to stay in power, other influential figures added fuel to the flames.

People take cover from a stun grenade and tear gas after a skirmish between locals and foreign nationals as thousands of people take part in the "peace march" against xenophobia in Durban, South Africa (AFP)


Mr Zuma's son Edward claimed foreigners were "taking over the country" and raised the possibility of a coup.
Gwede Mantashe, the ANC's Secretary General, suggested that all undocumented migrants would have to be moved to refugee camps.
Condemnation for the king's outburst has instead come from unlikely quarters.
Jonathan Moyo, the information minister for Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe, took to Twitter to voice his outrage at the persecution of his countrymen, many of whom fled political violence as well as economic hardship at home.


Hundreds of people participate in a peace march after anti-immigrant violence flared in Durban (Rogan Ward/Reuters)
He called for Zwelithini to "extinguish what he ignited", adding: "Xenophobia today can easily mutate into genocide tomorrow."
Few believe the anti-foreigner violence will reach the levels of 2008, when 62 people were killed principally in Johannesburg, but there is little sign of it abating.
The focus of the attacks have been black Africans and in some cases Pakistanis, Indians and Bangladeshis. Apart from an instance in which a white South African woman's car was stoned as she drove through a violent area of Johannesburg last week, no whites have been targeted.
Commentators believe this is because black Africans are in competition with locals over menial jobs, whereas whites and others from wealthier nations are largely perceived as providing jobs. Whites also rarely live in the poorest areas where foreigners have been attacked.
Although there have been no local reports of the multitude of Chinese–owned shops in South Africa being affected, China's national news agency Xinhua reported that China's embassy had made a formal complaint to South Africa saying "scores of shops owned by Chinese nationals" had been ransacked.


A young child sits at a transit camp in Westcliff sports ground in Chatsworth south of Durban where over a thousand of foreign nationals have been placed since the awake of Xenophobic attacks on them around the KwaZulu Natal Province (Tebogo Letsie/The Telegraph)

On Friday in Johannesburg, gangs torched cars and shops in an area known as Little Addis for its popular Ethiopian food cafés. In Germiston, a town on the historical gold-mining belt to the east, hundreds of foreigners sought refuge at a police station amid fears for their safety.
In Umlazi township outside Durban, a 22-year-old Ethiopian died when he was locked inside a shipping container he ran as a shop, which was then set alight.
His older brother, Alex Marcus, 24, told local media from his hospital bed: "I was crying inside the container while I was burning. We were locked inside for almost an hour."
Even as thousands of people marched through central Durban on Thursday to show their solidarity with the victims, they were goaded by men who brandished weapons, smashed shop windows and chased suspected outsiders.
Outnumbered police spent the day racing from one end of the city's main shopping street, where the marchers gathered to sing and make speeches, to the other to fire stun grenades and water cannons on looters as shopkeepers watched from behind their drawn-down metal grilles.
"We've been dealing with this for weeks now and we're exhausted," said one visibly frustrated policeman.
"It's going to get a lot worse before it gets better. If they really want to deal with it, we have to get tough. We arrest people but then we're told to just let them go without charge."

A local pastor, Dennis John, told The Telegraph those behind the attacks were becoming more meticulous, driving away South Africans in relationships with foreigners and even bursting into the home of his colleague in the middle of the night to accuse him of sheltering their quarry.
Scores of people arrive each day to join the estimated 5,000 people now living in four makeshift camps on the outskirts of the settlements where the "kwerekwere", as foreigners are locally known, once lived cheek by jowl with the people now chasing them away.
One, in Chatsworth, a mixed-race area a 30-minute drive outside the city centre, was set up a week ago on a football pitch-sized field ringed by boggy marshland.
Eight marquees shelter people from the cold autumnal drizzle, their gloomy insides filled with masking tape-bound suitcases and grubby mattresses and fugged with smoke from paraffin stoves.
Long queues form when volunteers dish out bread and beans donated by local businesses and individuals.
In another tent, people line up to give their names and nationalities to embassy officials. Already, buses are taking Mozambicans and Malawians home and more have been promised by the governments of Somalia, Zimbabwe and Kenya.
Emmanuel Mangwiro, 38, faces a stark dilemma. He was told by a group of men who stopped him outside work that if he didn't leave they would cut his throat but his employer in a building works refuses to pay him his salary of R2,000 (£111) until the end of the month.
"If I go home, I can't go with nothing," he said. "I need money to find a place to live, to start again." He was driven out of his township house by his South African landlord who had heard about gangs going door-to-door looking for foreigners.
He spent a night sleeping rough with his 18-month old daughter and wife, before renting a room in a wealthier Indian neighbourhood which costs one and a half times his salary.
"My baby coughed for the whole week after that night so I know I did the right thing but now I'm borrowing money I can't pay back," he said.
"I don't understand it. We were drinking beer with these people last week. Now they want to kill us."
Samantha Benessa, 36, is also fearful for her two-year-old son's health and keeps him wrapped tight to her body with a towel, since he developed a runny nose and hacking cough at the weekend. Forced to run from their homes in their pyjamas, they have no bedding and sleep on the wet grass.
"We left our TV, our clothes, I couldn't even take my bag," she said. "They said: You're buying these things with our money, our Rand."
There have been several cases of tuberculosis in the camp and with overflowing rubbish bins and just a handful of lavatories, there are concerns that widespread disease could soon bring more problems.
Even with a police unit at its entrance, people in the camp still do not feel safe. By day, locals come to whisper threats to those assembled inside through the flimsy metal fences. By night, people circle the perimeter in pickup trucks shouting insults.
"It's only a matter of time before they try to come in," said one Malawian man who did not want to give his name.
Another woman said her 12-year-old daughter had been given a message to relay to her that she should go home or be necklaced - an apartheid-era practice for punishing informants where a fuel-filled tyre is hung around the neck and set alight.
This week, Mr Zuma sought to dampen the ire by promising to crack down on unchecked immigration, while reminding his countrymen of the debt they owed their neighbours for sheltering exiles during apartheid. "The attacks violate all the values that South Africa embodies, especially the respect for human life, human rights, human dignity and Ubuntu (togetherness)," he said.
But the Economic Freedom Fighters, a political party run by Julius Malema, the firebrand former ANC youth leader who is now a fierce opponent of Mr Zuma, blamed the ruling party for "failing dismally" to provide South Africans with "good quality lives".
"Condemned to chronic hunger, unemployment and misery, our people are directing their anger to wrong people," said Vukani Ndlovu, the EFF's chairman in KwaZulu Natal.

Xenophobia in South Africa: 'They beat my husband with sticks and took everything'


For many Africans, South Africa represents a land of opportunity and a haven of tolerance, but a wave of violence has tarnished this image and sent foreigners fleeing for safetyThey came to South Africa in search of a better life and, for a while, found the promised land. Fungai Chopo got work as a builder, his wife, Memory, was hired as a maid, and they shared a decent house with their two children. The hunger, joblessness and poverty of their home in Zimbabwe was banished.


A foreign boy wearing a hat in the colours of the South African flag queues to register at a camp in Chatsworth, south of Durban.

Photograph: Rogan Ward/Reuters

This week all that changed for the Chopos and for many like them. One night just before midnight about 15 men burst into the family home, clubbed Fungai until he bled, threatened to kill the family and stole all they had, including the HIV medication that keeps Memory alive.

Now the Chopos are among roughly 3,500 immigrants sleeping rough in crowded tents in heavily guarded transit camps not in a Congolese or South Sudanese warzone but in 21st-century South Africa.

Foreigners have fled for safety from a recent eruption of xenophobic violence in which at least five people have died, shops have been looted and torched, and South Africa’s reputation as a haven of tolerance for the tired, the poor, the huddled masses of a turbulent continent has been shaken. “The fabric of the nation is splitting at the seams; its precious nucleus – our moral core – is being ruptured,” the Desmond and Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation said this week.

Worst hit is Durban, South Africa’s third-biggest city, to where the Chopos moved three years ago. “They beat my husband with sticks, they took everything, money, food, clothes for the baby,” said Memory, 31, wearing her last remaining T-shirt and protecting her children Mercy, four, and one-year-old John. “They said ‘if you don’t give us these things, we will kill you. We want your shoes, remove your T-shirt.’ They took everything, even passports and IDs. The police came but they didn’t do anything because they are afraid of those boys.”

The Chopo family fled to a transit camp erected just over a week ago off Florence Nightingale Road in the suburb of Chatsworth. By Thursday it was offering sanctuary to about 1,200 immigrants, with eight tents in an area roughly the size of a football pitch, surrounded by armed guards and steel crowd-control fencing draped with drying blankets and clothes. There was a hubbub of voices as people formed orderly queues to register or take a lunch of bread and beans provided free by volunteers. Litter was strewn on the grass that turned muddy as rain fell.

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The government-run camp provides medicine and will allow Memory to resume antiretroviral drug treatment for HIV. But she and her children are sleeping on the cold floor of a crowded tent. “The conditions here are basic. We are in mixed tents with men, women and children; some are taking clothes off. The toilets are few and very dirty and people are getting sick,” she said. “I feel scared. I can’t sleep at night because the dreams are very bad, always seeing these visions from that night. They don’t have ears, they don’t have eyes.”

Their aspirations in tatters, the Chopos plan to take a bus back to Zimbabwe. “I came to South Africa for a better life and I worked for everything,” Memory said. “But we are going home empty-handed, without funds, without passports, without the kids’ birth certificates. Now we have to wait for the transport provided by the government to take us home.”

Alongside her stood a compatriot, Joanna Moyo, 32, with a sick, sleeping baby tied to her back. She said: “I was robbed and now I don’t have anything, only my kids. I’m still worried those guys will come here and attack us. We want to go home. Even though there is nothing there, our lives are more important. I don’t think South Africa will welcome us again – they hate us now.”

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 Immigrants shelter at the Chatsworth football grounds south of Durban. Photograph: Rajesh Jantilal/AFP/Getty Images
South Africa is to many Africans what America represents to many around the world: an escape, a fresh start, a land of opportunity. When gold was discovered in Johannesburg in 1886, it was soon being mined by men from a dozen African nations. Today the country is a magnet for Congolese, Ethiopians, Malawians, Mozambicans, Nigerians, Somalis, Zimbabweans and others fleeing conflict or seeking to improve their lot. Estimates of immigrant numbers vary from 2 million to 5 million, out of a population of 51 million.

But the recent wave of xenophobia has tarnished this image and fuelled resentment among those who accuse South Africa of an arrogant exceptionalism that looks down on the rest of the continent.


Hardline Australia, confused Scandinavia and tense Russia: the global immigration picture
 Read more
Paul Manhica, 34, a car mechanic from Mozambique, said: “I chose South Africa because the living conditions are better than any other country. I believed in the rainbow nation and the peace created since the apartheid system failed. It’s a shock for me that it’s not the democratic country that I thought. I’m disappointed that an African brother could do this. It’s a lack of love in their hearts.”

On Thursday Manhica was among about 100 Mozambicans who, in a stark image that few thought they would see in democratic South Africa, boarded a coach for home because their safety could no longer be guaranteed. He had lived here for 13 years was leaving behind a South African wife and child. “I came here for work to pursue a better life for myself and my family,” he explained. “I got a small business, but it has all stopped since the attacks began.

“A group of people shouted at me: ‘There’s one of them. Catch him and torture him.’ Some of them were people I’ve known many years. But I believe the Lord looked after me: I ran to the mall and phoned the police. Later the attackers went from home to home and there was great destruction. I couldn’t sleep. At 1am I heard neighbours being tortured, screaming and running for their lives.”

The Chatsworth camp has many such tales of disillusionment. Aaron Lavu, 39, a Zimbabwean who migrated 15 years ago and opened a small business, said: “South Africa is close to us and we were looking for greener pastures than the regime of Robert Mugabe. At first South Africans were friendly and we thought we would integrate. Then last week eight guys came and hit me with a hammer. They said: ‘You must pack your things and go home. We don’t need you here.’ It makes you feel lost, you can’t do anything any more, you’re not part of the society. We feel hurt because we thought we were going to our brothers.”

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 A child from Mozambique in a makeshift bed at a camp in Chatsworth, south of Durban. Photograph: Rogan Ward/Reuters
Searching for an explanation, analysts point to South Africa’s status as one the most unequal societies in the world, the violent legacy of racial apartheid and an unemployment rate recorded officially as one in four, and reckoned to be more accurately one in three. There have been frequent explosions of xenophobic violence over the past decade, notably in 2008 when 62 people, including 21 South Africans, were killed and more than 150,000 displaced.

Ingrid Palmary, associate professor at the Wits University African Centre for Migration and Society, cited a lack of faith in state institutions, easy access to handguns and a perception that foreigners are to blame for hardship. “It takes a small trigger to spark a deep level hostility,” she said.

In Durban’s impoverished Bottle Brush informal settlement, brick homes sit alongside shacks fashioned from metal sheets, wood planks and chipboard behind fences topped by razor wire. Foreign nationals were chased out last week and few residents were willing to talk, but Nana Mkhonde, 29, was frank: “Our citizens took action because they wouldn’t leave and they were being told they must leave. They came with nothing, they can go with nothing as well. I feel bad because they left crying, but we have no choice.

“They should go because we have no jobs. I’m a citizen and want to work for 150 rand a day but foreigners will do it for 70 rand a day. In the kitchens and the factories they are taking over our jobs. They bring cheap goods and we don’t know where from. They leave their countries with a lot of skills and we have nothing. Our education is not good enough.”

The governing African National Congress has condemned the violence but Mkhonde, an unemployed single mother, responded: “The government says it’s wrong because when they give jobs they help themselves. If you don’t have friends in the ANC, you get nothing. What about us? Our government is doing nothing for us. The reason we’re fighting foreigners is because of our government.”

The Zulu king, Goodwill Zwelithini, stoked the fires by calling for foreigners to pack their bags and leave, while the government is still wrestling with how to define the problem. The police minister, Nathi Nhleko, described the attacks as examples of “Afrophobia”, not xenophobia. “What you don’t see is you don’t see Australians being chased on the streets, Britons being chased on the streets and similar demands being placed on them that they should be leave the country and so on,” he said.

“What you effectively see is largely Africans against one another in a sense now. That’s why I’m saying it represents a certain type of political problem that has got to be dealt with by ourselves as South Africans. In a sense, what we are witnessing are actually Afrophobic kind of activities and attacks, resembling all elements of self-hate among Africans.”

But such comments have been met with scorn. Bishop Paul Verryn, who for years gave shelter to thousands of migrants at Johannesburg’s Central Methodist church, said: “It’s semantics in the face of disaster. It’s eating cake while the world goes hungry. There’s been a thunderous absence of good leadership.

“The profound shame that xenophobia brings on this nation is the same kind of shame that apartheid brought on the people of this land. What is so shaming is it alienates us from our neighbours and calls into question the integrity of our entire constitution. It exposes the systemic violation of injustice: today it is foreign nationals and tomorrow it will be Indians and after that it will be whites. There is anger and hatred growing among us.”

Yet amid the gloom hovering over Chatsworth camp there was a shaft of light. Volunteers from the local community turned up with carloads of bedding, blankets, clothes, food, nappies, toilet rolls, toothbrushes, toothpaste and other essentials. Iqbal Ismail, 49, a businessman organising breakfast, lunch and supper, said: “I’ve been here since the first day. After seeing the conditions of the place, sleeping without shelter, I didn’t have the heart to go back to work.”

Sue Clark, 50, from a property company that gathered donations via a Facebook post, mused: “At the beginning of the week I was saying I’m no longer proud to be South African, but now I’m saying I’m truly proud to be South African. This is hope. Just so many people want to make a difference.”

Saturday, 18 April 2015

Partnering to Counter Terrorism in Africa


As the 1998 bombings of the U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania underscored, Africa-based terrorists threaten the interests of the United States in addition to those of our African partners.  The United States government has no higher priority than protecting U.S. citizens from attack by terrorists and violent extremists.  But our efforts at countering terrorism in Africa are motivated as well by a recognition that extremist groups are tearing apart communities in many parts of the continent, robbing young people of their futures, constraining economic growth, and denying people the opportunity to reach their full potential.  African terrorist groups, such as al-Shabaab, al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Boko Haram, and Ansar Bayt Al-Maqdis (ABM), threaten the security and prosperity of Africans across the continent.

We are committed to working with our African partners to address immediate threats and build durable and professional security sector institutions required to achieve our long-term counterterrorism objectives.

A Comprehensive Approach

The United States and our African partners are committed to countering terrorism in Africa through counterterrorism partnerships that draw on all of our tools:  military, diplomacy, financial action, intelligence, law enforcement, and development alike.  Our partnerships are building African partner capacities in the security and justice sectors to counter terrorism in a way that is consistent with the rule of law, and building the capacity of African governments and civil society in countering violent extremism (CVE) to neutralize violent ideologies before they spread.

Enhancing military capacity.  U.S. military personnel work hand-in-hand with their African counterparts to increase military capacity in countries threatened by terrorism.  The Department of Defense (DoD) provides much needed equipment to empower African partners’ ability to halt terrorism.  U.S. military personnel provide specialized training that includes instruction on planning, battlefield tactics, civil-military relations, best practices in counter-insurgency, and respect for the rule of law.  The United States also sponsors multinational exercises to increase collaboration and strengthen bonds among African partners.  The 2014 Flintlock Exercise, hosted by Niger, brought together more than 1,000 troops from 18 countries, including eight African nations.
Enhancing law enforcement capacity:  Strengthening our African partners’ civilian security and law enforcement capacity is another key priority of our counterterrorism strategy in Africa.  In FY2013, we trained 2,584 participants in 19 African countries on how to prevent, detect, and investigate terrorism threats; secure their borders; bolster legal frameworks to effectively prosecute terrorists within the rule of law; and manage responses to terrorist incidents in a rule-of-law framework that respects human rights, as part of the U.S. Department of State’s Antiterrorism Assistance (ATA) program.  The ATA program provides training on a wide range of disciplines, from bomb detection to crime scene investigation.  We have a longstanding ATA partnership with Tanzania, for example, which has helped institutionalize its counterterrorism training and stand-up a special marine police unit.  On the sidelines of the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, the United States and Kenya signed a Customs Mutual Assistance Agreement (CMAA).  This agreement provides the legal framework to allow for the exchange of information and evidence to assist countries in the prevention, detection, and investigation of customs offenses – including those associated with terrorism-related activities.
Restricting travel and stemming access to resources:   With our African partners, we work to restrict terrorists’ and terrorist organizations’ travel and their ability to raise, move, and store money.  The Terrorist Interdiction Program/Personal Identification Secure Comparison and Evaluation System provides partner countries in Africa border security assistance to identify, disrupt, and deter terrorist travel.    The Counterterrorism Finance (CTF) program, run by the Department of State, provides training to partner governments that will better enable them to restrict terrorists’ and terrorist organizations’ ability to raise, move, and store money.   CTF provides African nations with internal and cross-border financial investigations training to work effectively with counterparts in neighboring countries and assists these countries in strengthening their laws and regulations.  We have three CTF-funded Resident Legal Advisors (RLA) and two Department of Homeland Security advisors in Africa who provide mentoring and training to judges and prosecutors so they are better able to adjudicate and prosecute these cases.
Drying up potential sources of recruits:  We also seek to stop terrorism before it begins by strengthening community resilience and creating environments that are inhospitable for terrorist recruitment.  In Chad, Niger, and Burkina Faso, for example, USAID is leading efforts to support youth empowerment through education, skills training, strengthening local governance capacity, and improving access to information via community radio, targeting groups most vulnerable to extremist ideologies.
Building global partnerships:  We have also worked in the multilateral arena to build international architecture to combat today’s terrorist threats.  In 2011 the United States co-founded the Global Counterterrorism Forum (GCTF), which includes participation from African countries.  The GCTF focuses on identifying critical civilian counterterrorism needs, mobilizing the necessary expertise and resources to address such needs, and enhancing global cooperation.
Counterterrorism Partnerships Fund:  President Obama has asked Congress to create a new, $5 billion counterterrorism partnerships fund that will help build the capacity of our international partners to respond effectively to the terrorist threat.  If approved, this fund would allow the United States to provide additional training, equipment, and operational support for partner states in our shared fight against al-Shabaab, AQIM, Boko Haram and others.  It would also support targeted efforts to address the underlying conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism, including by supporting partner efforts to combat terrorist safe havens.
Providing support to partners on the front lines

The United States is building strong partnerships with countries to address critical terrorist threats on the front lines in order to confront the threat at its roots.

Confronting Boko Haram:  We are deeply concerned by Boko Haram’s ongoing attacks against Nigeria’s citizens, civil institutions, and infrastructure, including the group’s April 2014 kidnapping of hundreds of schoolgirls.  To support the Nigerian-led efforts to combat Boko Haram, we are providing an array of military, law enforcement, and intelligence support, such as counter-Improvised Explosive Device training and forensics training.  We are also supporting the efforts of Nigeria and its neighbors to increase regional cooperation to combat Boko Haram.  Because the specter of terrorism requires more than just a security response, we have also worked to encourage and support the Nigerian government’s efforts to promote development in northern Nigeria, including by boosting health, education, and social service delivery.  Our security cooperation also supports the professionalization of key military units and underscores that effective counterterrorism policies and practices are those that respect human rights and are underpinned by the rule of law.
Working to Degrade Al-Shabaab:  In Somalia, we continue to support the Somali National Army and the African Union (AU) Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) in their efforts to push al-Shabaab out of its strongholds.  The Department of State has invested more than $170 million to recruit and train forces to help protect Somalia’s institutions and citizens.  Since 2007 we have contributed more than half a billion dollars in training, equipment, and logistical support to AMISOM.  While these efforts have weakened al-Shabaab and pushed it out of a number of cities, the group remains the most significant threat to peace and security in Somalia and the region.  Our counterterrorism support for Somalia is embedded in an overarching policy of support for policies and reforms to eliminate the underlying sources of violence and increase national and regional stability.  A stable, peaceful Somalia and Horn of Africa are the best long-term deterrents to a resurgence of al-Shabaab.  Our Partnership for Regional East Africa Counterterrorism, has helped build the capacity and resilience of East African governments to contain the spread of, and counter the threat posed by, al-Qa’ida, al-Shabaab, and other terrorist organizations.
Enabling Partners to combat al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM):  We provided support to our French and regional partners to reverse AQIM’s expansion in northern Mali in 2013 and help the people of Mali reclaim their future.  The United States has provided airlift and refueling support, and training and supplies to more than 6,000 African soldiers and police who have deployed to support the international response.  This international partnership paved the way for safe elections and improved stability in Mali, taking on both the immediate threat and the dire conditions that helped the extremists take hold in the first place.  Our Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP) has supported these efforts and other partner country efforts in the Sahel and the Maghreb to constrict and ultimately eliminate the ability of terrorist organizations to exploit the region by increasing security sector capacity, addressing underlying causes of radicalization, and amplifying local voices that speak out against violence.
Confronting Terrorism in North Africa:  We continue to provide security and counterterrorism assistance and advice to our partners in North Africa to arrest the growth of extremist groups like Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia, Ansar al-Sharia in Benghazi, and Ansar al-Sharia in Darnah.  Through the TSCTP, we are working with the government of Tunisia to build its capacity to confront terrorist threats.  We have also provided crisis response and tactical and command training to Tunisian security forces as well as training in leadership development, police reform, prison reform, hostage rescue, and crowd control management for the Justice and Interior ministries.  Additionally, we have provided vehicles to enhance internal and border security in Tunisia.  In Libya, we are working with the international community to train a Libyan General Purpose Force, build Libyan security institutional capacity, and improve the Libyan government’s ability to counter terrorism.